Muzaffar Ahmad, Calcutta, and Socialist Politics, 1913-1929

By Suchetana Chattopadhyay
Department of History, Jadavpur University, Calcutta-32, India;

suchetana.chattopadhyay@gmail.com.

Bengal's first communists emerged from the ranks of the region's Muslim intelligentsia in the early 1920s. Their transformation involved a rejection of mainstream politics based on identities of 'nation' and 'community'. This process has been little investigated. This research aims to treat this neglected area by studying the early life and times (1913-1929) of Muzaffar Ahmad (1889-1973), the founder of the communist movement in Bengal and one of the earliest leaders of the Communist Party of India (CPI). Though the left was minute during the 1920s, the shaping of socialist politics in Bengal during 1922-29 marked the beginning of a political tendency which was to leave its imprint on post-partition West Bengal and the struggle for Bangladesh in East Pakistan.

The origins of communism, a vital component of the organised socialist movement which emerged for the first time in Calcutta in the 1920s, was rooted in the appearance of Muslim intellectuals who tried to give shape to a new form of anti-imperialism by stepping out of the confines of mainstream nationalism dominated by the Bengali Hindu property-owning classes; of political movements based on perceptions of Muslim exclusivity; and of secular or ethno-linguistic identities. For these intellectuals, class ideology represented freedom from forms of exploitation and alienation: the other political options refused to address these adequately. Class itself was perceived as an identity, which would disappear when communist society was attained. Its emancipatory promise and transitory nature could be pitted against the non-emancipatory structure and the transcendental, essentialist claims of the dominant identities. This section regarded class-consciousness as a space beyond the politics of identities.

A social, and contextually grounded, interpretation of Bengal politics is developed by looking at the critical transitions Muzaffar Ahmad underwent in a period of momentous changes. Why was he alienated by dominant identity politics? What were the forms that he learnt to reject? What were the social components, which were subsumed and marginalised by these dominant forms, and which then introduced a critical rupture with his past? To seek answers to these and other related questions this thesis takes Muzaffar Ahmad's early career (1913-1929) as its chronological frame. 1913 was the year of his migration to Calcutta. 1929 marked the end of the first phase in his political career as a pioneer of the communist movement as it had emerged in Bengal and India of the 1920s. This was the year when leading communists were arrested and tried in the 'Meerut Communist Conspiracy Case' (1929-31), where Muzaffar Ahmad was chief among those accused. The biographical details of Muzaffar Ahmad between 1913 and 1929 coincided with a significant phase in the social and political history of India and the world. These years can also be read as two crisis-points in the history of imperialism and capitalism: 1913, the eve of the First World War, and 1929, the year of the Wall Street crash which set off the 'great depression'. They enclose a period within which socialist ideas and communist activity became politically familiar in different parts of the globe. The success of the Bolshevik Revolution and the formation of the Third Communist International directly boosted these currents. Socialism came to be perceived by many in the colonising and colonised countries as a viable alternative and a solution to the problems posed by capitalism and imperialism in the midst of economic crisis and war. A radicalisation of political culture could be felt among the intelligentsia in various urban centres of the world, Calcutta being no exception. Many socially alienated, economically distressed and politically dissatisfied urban intellectuals stood at the crossroads of established and radical identity-formations. Among them there was a small 'fraction' informed by social radicalism from below and the leftward turn in literary and cultural fields. They were disaffiliating themselves from the more established political routes open to those from their social background to combat colonialism and affiliating themselves with a more radical vision of decolonisation. The radicalism of the period was not devoid of contradictions. The ideas and aspirations of those with radical potential were often intertwined with social institutions, political movements and cultural norms that could lead to reversal and retreat from left radicalism. Nevertheless, they bore the imprint of the desire for a redefinition of state and society.

It is in this climate, which found reflection in the unionisation of workers and the socialistic wavering of middle-class intellectuals touched by left currents, that Muzaffar Ahmad could be located. The 'reshuffling' and mutations of self that gave rise to his new political identity were rooted in this context. It was related to a complex process of disaffiliation from existing structures of anti-colonial politics and linked to a radical conjuncture created by the post-war mass upsurge, by material hardship and by growing contact with the world of labour. It was underlined by a break with the outlook of mainstream leaders and the dominant ideologies they represented.

This thesis sets out to examine both the setting and the changes, as represented by Muzaffar. It analyses the context and significance of Muzaffar's migration to the city (1913-1919). His rural background in the remote East Bengal island of Sandwip, and the kind of identity-thinking such a milieu encouraged, are discussed. Next treated are his arrival in Calcutta, the only metropolis in Bengal, on the eve of the First World War, and the conditions in the city that contributed to his future radicalisation. Examined in particular are his experiences as an impoverished intellectual and Bengali Muslim cultural activist in a city undergoing wartime privations. The next chapter (1919-21) deals with Muzaffar's political transformation along leftist lines, in the context of the working-class upsurge in Calcutta and the impact, on Muzaffar and some of his contemporaries, of socialist ideas following the success of the Russian Revolution. Muzaffar's fully-fledged entry into political journalism and his growing sensitivity to the labour question are shown to have played a vital role. The following chapter (1922-24) deals with the first socialist nucleus in Calcutta, with Muzaffar as the principal organiser. During this period, his links with the Communist Third International, distribution of banned socialist literature, and communications with other anti-colonial radicals led to his arrest and trial in the 'Kanpur Bolshevik Conspiracy Case' (1924). The next two chapters examine the growth and activities of the first socialist organisation in Bengal (1926-29), including Muzaffar's role and the attendant constraints, contradictions and ideological occlusions. The following two chapters analyse the changing politics of Muzaffar's prose and the emergence of a 'language of class' and treats his autobiographical writings as a prism through which his early career can be read. The conclusion explains the transformation of Muzaffar Ahmad's political identity as an example of the emergence of communist dominated socialist politics in a colonised Indian urban milieu.

By investigating the roots of early communism and socialist politics in Bengal, through the personality of Muzaffar Ahmad, this research aims to locate the social significance of a political space, which attempted to transcend dominant notions of identity. At a time when spectres of Hindu majoritarianism and communal holocaust are revisiting India and history is being harnessed to erect new enclosures based on identities of 'nation' and 'community' in a global climate of violent late-imperialist assertions, this is a way of recording not just the amply documented strength but also the ever-present contradictions, which beset identity-formations.

COMMUNIST HISTORY NETWORK NEWSLETTER online

Kazi Nazrul Islam on "Gonobani" & Muzaffar Ahmad

[The following letter was written to Sri Gopal Lal Shannyal, the (then) editor of Atto-shokti, the weekly publication of Deshbondhu Chittoronjon Das' Swaraj Party. Under a "book-review", in the issue of August 20, 1926, Sri Taranath Roy, under the pseudonym Tara-Ra, criticized Gonobani, the mouthpiece of Bongio Krishak-Shramik Dal. This letter was written in response to that.]

Srijukto "Atto-shokti" Shompadok,

... Then, the death-nail question of Tara-Ra: "Who are the labors, without sufficient cloth, food, and shelter, that are in charge of this organization?" I humbly submit my plea to Mr. Tara-Ra to be kind enough to visit 37 Harrison Road, the office of Gonobani. If you do bless us with your visit, you will see the foot-dust of many hapless chaps has piled up much higher than the stacks of "Gonobani." There is more floor than carpets. Chairs are luxury. ... My eyes become full of tears when I see the CEO of Gonobani, Muzaffar Ahmed. ... The condition of his body is deplorable. He is a walking symbol of protesting humanity. I swear if, seeing Muzaffar, one's dry eyes don't become wet. Such as selfless, unassuming, quiet worker, such a wonderful heart, such a saintly vision, a shining talent - above all, such a big, colossal heart and mind - one wonders how was he born in Noakhali, the domain of fanatic maulavis, or in Bengal, this country of mullah-maulavis. He is like a flame of fire, you can't control by beating. He is like a flower, eaten by insects, but still emitting fragrance. Tuberculosis has had the best of him - I don't know how will he live. Many Muslim leaders have cashed in during this fad of communal environment, many of whom don't deserve even to be disciple at his feet; only Muzaffar is virtually starving to death. I know that two full days he had to go without food to help bring out this Gonobani. Even Tom-Dick-Harry (Budhdhu Mian) is a leader, while Muzaffar is dying from vomiting blood. Yet, I have not seen a soul to love this Bharat-borsho, this nation, so wholeheartedly - let alone any Muslim leader, not even Hindu leaders. If some people have their head straight during this turbulent period of communalism, you can easily find out by reading Muzaffar's "Langol" and "Gonobani." ...

The very soul of the Musalman Shahitto-Shomiti is due to Muzaffar, but he always kept his name and contribution secret. When the same Shomiti was reinstituted, its new members did not even mention or recognize Muzaffar because he was in the bad book of the government (while most members themselves are in the good book). At this utter ingratitude, Muzaffar did not even utter a word. He was like the oil that lights the lamp. No one saw him. They only saw flame that burns by drawing on the oil. It's not just Muzaffar, almost everyone of this organization is in the same situation. Haleem, Nalini - all the same. Everyone needs attention and care. Some has appendicitis, some cancer; others have malaria, ulcer or arthritis. Let's not mention their skeleton like condition or their malnutrition. Almost all of them are waiting for the ferry-ride to the other side of the life. They don't have any waist pack full of money, and it seems that bombs are being made inside the tummy - that's their condition due to hunger. They are sagged all the time, like the bladder without any air inside a football. ... I extend an invitation to the author to descend, using the elevator, from his tri-story office that is usually cooled by electric fans and lit by electric lamps, decorated by tables-drawers-desks, attended by guards and then drive in his office-provided automobile to see our "Gonobani" office and its "directors". These thirsty ones might be able to enjoy a cup of tea at his expense. Of course, he would be offered a cup too. I myself would have taken Srijukto Tara-Ra, but I am constrained too. For several days now, I need to go to Kolkata, but unable because I can't afford the train fare. The rats are busy in BOXING games inside our pots and pans. The capitalists are even shrewder than I am. They say, "If you want to massage, try the body, not head - you might earn some pocket money. But that (boxing) is not to be, even if Muzaffar dies like a dried fish (shutki)."

Then, in regard to writings in "Gonobani", "they" have mentioned, "The farmers and labors of Bengal would be able to understand those better if, in addition to learning read, they read a few theories. I could not understand either their point or the sarcasm. However, I did realize how far is his understanding about the subject of his writing. Does he not know that hardly any labor of any country would understand Das Capital of Karl Marx. Those who would read and understand such works would not be farmers/labors, rather people like Lenin or Lansbury (spelling?). Even if the labor class in general does not understand, the theories of Karl Marx have done good, continues to do so and will do in future. His ideology has bred a group of people that wants to transform the whole world. The mass will never understand the theories or ideologies, but those theories or ideologies will breed people who will help the mass understand the essence of those theories. The driver will take care of the engine, the mass will ride. Gonobani is not for the farmers or labors either. It is for those who will educate the farmers and labors. The mouthpiece of Krishak-Shramik Dal: it means that Gonobani is the voice of the silent, suffering hearts - Gonobani will try to give their unbearable pains expression in words.(excerpts only)

(draft translation by Mohammad Omar Farooq)

[Source: Nazrul Rochonaboli, Vol. 4, 1996, pp. 51-55]

2009:121st ANNIVERSARY OF COMRADE MUZAFFAR AHMAD

RED SALUTE TO KAKABABU. BIMAN BASU AT MUZAFFAR AHMAD BHAVAN

OBSERVATION AT NBA, DURGAPUR

OBSERVATION AT NATIONAL BOOK AGENCY, SALTLAKE OFFICE

BUDDHADEB BHATTACHARYA ADDRESSING THE MEETING AT MAHAJATI SADAN

EXHIBITION ON EMS BIRTH CENTENARY AT MUZAFFAR AHMAD PATHAGHAR, GANASHAKTI BHAVAN

BIRTHDAY OF KAKABABU: A Symbol of Ideological Struggle: ANIL BISWAS

SINCE 1963, we are observing birth anniversary of Kakababu. The importance of this birth day is not limited merely in its observation only. Rather we observe this programme as symbol of an ideological struggle of high magnitude.

Comrade Muzaffar Ahmed, called affectionately as Kakababu, was attracted towards Marxism under the influence of Russian Revolution. Following the basic principles of the November Revolution, he took initiative to build the Communist Party in this country. Kakababu did not have an iota of doubt about the class base for formation of the party.

The necessity of the working class leadership in the Communist Party and revolutionary role of this class has been emphasised in his various speeches and articles. Practically, when he was in the process of building Communist party in different provinces of the then undivided Bengal, he carried out the party work with an aim to attract the Tram workers, Jute workers, porters, sweepers and other conservancy workers.

Kakababu was an extremely thoughtful person. He had deep knowledge in various subjects, particularly he had an intense attraction towards classical literature. He used to study for about 7 to 8 hours every day. We have seen him engrossed in reading whenever he was alone in our Secretariat room at Alimuddin Street office. He had huge collection of books. Even he used to get books from abroad. The lions share of the collection in Muzaffar Ahmad Pathagar (library) at CPI(M) state committee office belongs to him. While writing articles he used to give due importance on the correctness of the facts and information on the related subject. When Kakababu started writing on the history of building of the party, the facility to utilise the archives, was not there to that extent, as is available now. He collected those documents with great deal of efforts. He collected authentic documents from different parts of the world through correspondences. He had to spend long time and effort for searching such documents.

CHOOSING PARTY CADRE

The special feature of Kakababu’s behaviour was to know personally party comrades and to collect information about the well being of their families. It was a great task for a party organiser to choose proper party workers which he used to keep in his mind always. He used to tell very often that many people will come around the Communist Party, would love the party and would also work for the party. By identifying the real party workers amongst them, the party leadership will have to take responsibility to mould them as a Communist. Which work will be done properly by whom , if any party worker becomes inactive in a particular work, the party leadership should take the responsibility to make him active by assigning him proper work. He used to supervise this matter personally. I learnt from him that after the party split, the work of leading party worker who were connected with State, Centre and with various mass fronts were evaluated in the party Secretariat. Further distribution of work was done on the basis of such evaluation. Till the fag end of his life, he emphasised on the subject of choosing party workers.
Punctuality and regularity were essential parts of Kakababu’s life. Now a days dearth of such matters are distinctly visible. These are salient features to learn from Kakababu’s life. He never liked delay while attending meetings. Kakababu breathed his last on 18th December, 1973. Just one day before, on 17th at about 9.00 p.m. I visited him at Kimber Nursing Home. When I was about to depart, Kakababu told me "You should come tomorrow at 7.00 A.M., I have something to talk with you". Before I felt asleep, I prepared mentally to visit the Nursing Home in the morning at 7.00 A.M. sharp because Kakababu will be offended if I reach there even at 7.15 A.M. But Kakababu never saw the next morning. He passed away in the early morning at 4-00 A.M.

STAUNCH ANTI-IMPERIALIST

Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad was not only a top Communist leader but was also highly regarded as a top class intellectual during that time. He had intimate connection with the contemporary famous litterateur and intellectuals. But his real identity was as a Communist. A true Communist like easy and simple living was his special character. He was an internationalist in real sense. He used to believe firmly that one cannot be a real Communist unless he believes in internationalism and real patriotism. That's why he always tried to examine closely whether those who are taken as primary members of the party were anti -imperialist or not.
From correspondences of Kakababu it is learnt that he had connection with anti-imperialist forces in various corners of our country. When we observe political programmes, we mostly forget to organise anti-imperialist movement. To remember Kakababu, we must be conscious about the danger of imperialism and the obligatory role of the party in anti-imperialist movement.

During the inception of building Communist Party in India, the British imperialists were out to destroy it in the nip of the bud. The Kanpur and Meerut conspiratory litigations were a few examples. In Meerut conspiratory trial Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad made a strong statement standing in the dock, exposing the character of British imperialists there in and he never hesitated to express the reasons why he was organising the Communist Party. At that time though there was no Party Programme, yet his statement was considered as the document of the Party Programme for long time.

On the occasion of birth day of Kakababu, there is a necessity to remember the threat posed by imperialists today. The Indian government which at one time was in the leadership of non-aligned movement (NAM), the same government during the regime of BJP led coalition has become a mere appendage of American imperialists. In the international arena instead of fostering joint action jointly with the third world countries, it is adopting brazenly pro-American stance. On the question of Palestine, giving up the principled stand it has adopted an outrightly pro-Israel policy. It has openly corroborated with the National Missile Defence System (NMD) of Bush Administration even as Russia and China and many of the US allies themselves are opposing it. These are few examples in support of above.

Not only the shift towards pro-American policy but also BJP led coalition government is dragging India inside the circle of American defence strategy. Vajpayee government is trying to make India a minor partner in world-wide military-diplomatic design of American imperialism. During his visit to India, Henry Shalton, the Military Head of United States reached an understanding with the Indian Defence establishment, which has dangerous consequences for Indian Defence.
In the name of Indo-American military co-operation, the whole Indian military forces have been thrown open for surveillance by United States.

The involvement of America in the recent Indo-Pak summit became very obvious when the dates for the Summit were announced globally by America. What could be the matter of more shame for a sovereign State! The people at large have to be mobilised for a strong movement against such increasing interference by America in the field of Indian politics, economy & military matters. We got to take this oath on the occasion of birth day of Kakababu.

PEASANTRY TOPPED HIS AGENDA

Kakababu very often used to tell us to chalk out the programme of movement based on the given situation. In ‘Langal’ & ‘Ganabani’ he repeatedly wrote that the problems of farmers should be taken up foremost as majority of our people are dependent on agriculture and without their upliftment, welfare of the country as a whole would not be possible. He wrote against centralisation of land.

All Bengal Provincial Krishak Sabha was formed through a conference held at Patrasayer of Bankura district on 27th & 28th March, 1937. In that conference, Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad read out a speech which was adopted as political-organisational document of Krishak Sabha.
As Kakababu had pointed out in early 20’s itself the main problem of our country was the plight of peasantry, the same is the principal problem even to-day. From this we can realise his farsightedness. To-day due to the liberalisation policy followed by BJP led coalition government, we have to keep a close watch on the crisis which has developed in the life of peasants. Due to the pressure from WTO, even the rich farmers are also not safe. The farm houses of cotton, tobacco, coffee, sugar, edible oil etc are in deep crisis. Sugar cane growers are being compelled to burn their produce. Many years ago Kakababu raised the slogan against centralisation of land. To-day, after such long years, that problem has not been smoothened except in the states of West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura.

FIRMNESS IN IDEOLOGY

The contribution of Kakababu for the building of party organisation is undeniable. He used to always remind that Communist Party is the Party of poor people. That is why he emphasised all the time to bring working people, landless labourers together in the Party. He gave due importance to the role of intellectuals. The famous intellectuals of Kolkata -- Dr. Bhupendranath Datta, Kazi Nazrul Islam, Radharaman Mitra were very much close to him. Yet, his main aim was to attract the poor and middle class people into the Party. Kakababu was having unfathomable faith on ‘Communist International’. He believed that one should follow, word by word the principles of Communist International. He used to tell repeatedly, "Communist Party is a different Party." The principles of democratic centralism is the main foundation of a communist organisation. To infringe upon such principles means hitting and weakening the very foundation of the Party. If it continues, Communist Party will be turned into a mere political group. There will be no separate identity of the Party.

On the question of maintaining discipline in the Party he was firm and unyielding. He used to tell that without a disciplined workers group, no Communist Party can forge ahead. Maintenance of tough discipline was one of his main weapons in building the Party. During 1967-68, when naxalites left the Party, Kakababu’s many intimate friends were in its leadership. Yet, Kakababu strongly wrote an article where he mentioned "Party is greater than friends". He wrote there that allegiance to an individual can not be larger than that of Party. Every communist should be firm to the ideology. Problems do exist in our Party till to-day. In many cases, it is found, that attachment towards relatives and friends surpasses the firmness to the Party ideology. This idea, on class consideration, is against our ideology. Individual allegiance can never be higher. For the follower of ideology , it itself is his great friend. This is the great education which we have got from Kakababu.

He himself was not only firm on ideology but also specifically acted to bring back in right path, those, who deviated from ideology. When poet Nazrul Islam became to some extent confused after his first marriage, Kakababu stood by his side as guardian and made efforts to bring back Nazrul in the circle of ideology. He succeeded in that and the same Nazrul, after being rectified, propagated the message of equality. Nazrul has mentioned time and again the role of Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad in his life. To raise the human values, the life of Kakababu, as an example is uncomparable.

Kakababu never tolerated the nourishment of the concept of factionalism in the Party organisation. He always maintained that Party is larger than the faction and to save the party, every communist should fight tooth and nail against factionalism. Deviation from communist ethics was an unpardonable offense to him. He used to say that immoral acts are not only anti-communist but also against humanity itself. The person who is having intelligence, consciousness, sense of justice and morality, he will never resort to any immoral act. As per the version of Kakababu, communists are the most clean man in the society. Because, without clean men, how can a clean society emerge? So a real Communist Party should be the party of most clean people of the society.

Please come up, let us promise to build our Party, a real Communist Party on Kakababu’s birth day.

Peoples’ Democracy, September 02, 2001

2007:119th BIRTH ANNIVERSARY OF COMRADE MUZAFFAR AHMAD

Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee speaking at the meeting;

Benoy Konar, Biman Basu and Jyoti Basu on the dais.

THE 119th anniversary of the birth of Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad, commonly known to communists in India as ‘Kakababu’, was commemorated with appropriate dignity at the Mahajati Sadan in Kolkata on August 5. The meeting was attended by the almost entire state CPI(M) leadership and had central committee member of the CPI(M) Benoy Konar in the chair. This year’s Muzaffar Ahmad book awards went to historians K N Panikkar and Jayantanuja Bandyopadhyay.

In his address, senior CPI(M) leader and former Bengal chief minister Jyoti Basu said that Comrade ‘Kakababu’ and his compatriots in the Communist Party were forced to negotiate tough hurdles on the way to Party building. The Communist Party was repeatedly banned. Its top leadership incarcerated and made to face a series of false charges; they were implicated, again falsely, in ‘conspiracy cases’ and were identified as ‘anti-national.’

THE LEGACY

The communist leaders and workers were subjected to brutal police torture in and outside of jails. They were beaten up, shot down, and had long jail sentences slapped on them. Yet, the work of Party building and widening mass contact went on. The Communist Party became stronger through class and mass struggles. Comrade Muzaffar had written extensively on the formative years of the Communist Party in India and these are essential readings for younger generations of CPI(M) leaders and workers.

Reminiscing Jyoti Basu said that he had met Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad when he came back from England in 1940. Comrade Muzaffar’s reputation had preceded him, said Jyoti Basu, for ‘Kakababu’ was already in touch with the Third International and with British Communist leaders like Harry Polit and Rajani Palme Dutt. Jyoti Basu said that he had many things to gain knowledge of and learn from Comrade ‘Kakababu.’

Jyoti Basu pointed out that in 1940, the Bengal unit of the Communist Party had but four thousand members. The total membership in 2007 exceeds three lakh. The CPI(M) is dedicated to the task of building up of a classless, exploitation-free society, something about which Comrade Muzaffar had dreamed.

ALL-OUT EFFORTS NEEDED

The CPI(M) is proud that there exist in India now three Left Front governments — in Kerala, Tripura, and in Bengal. The first communist government in Kerala in 1959 was not allowed to function and was undemocratically toppled. In 1977, the CPI(M), too, had not been very sure that the LF government would be allowed to run here. Jyoti Basu iterated something he had been emphasising for some time now. It is important to realise, that many people yet continue to vote against the CPI(M) and the Left Front and some of them are poor people. All-out efforts should be made to draw them into the ambit of the CPI(M) and the Left Front. They must be approached, their critique listened to with quiet dignity, and they must be told the achievement and the failures of the Left Front government, and the reasons why.

Jyoti Basu expressed his happiness at the manner in which the present Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb was free and frank in discussing before the people the attainments and the non-starters of the Bengal Left Front government: this is how it should be for a government where the Communist Party plays such a crucial role. This will make the Party invincible for the enemies. Jyoti Basu said that the CPI(M)’s organisational expansion in the north of the country was lagging behind than in the southern states. The Party conferences coming up must be utilised to make the Party base wider and stronger, he concluded, and noted that in this manner the best tribute would be paid to the memory of the communist pioneer Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad.

POLITICAL-IDEOLOGICAL DRIVE

State secretary of the Bengal unit of the CPI(M) Biman Basu started on a critical note by saying that 100 per cent of the membership of the Bengal CPI(M) was fully and comprehensively equipped ideologically, though their level of political consciousness needed to be raised all the time, in the developing reality of class and mass struggles.

Biman Basu pointed out sharply that the process of Party conferences must be used as a touchstone to enrich the Party further, and make mass contact deeper. Party has a definitive role to play in stopping and correcting those persons who would utilise the Party for small, narrow even sectarian personal interests. This is to be done through political-ideological training and implementation of the programmatic understanding at the ground level.

People must be made aware by the Party of the myriad of attacks that were coming down on the CPI(M) from indigenous and foreign sources. There is a conspiracy afoot to weaken the Left Front itself. In widening mass contact, the lesson of Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad’s style of functioning must be adopted faithfully: Comrade Kakababu would give a patient hearing to everyone, never lose his temper, and would put through his arguments with logic and conviction. Sometimes, these traits are lacking amongst Party members of today.

Biman Basu said that although the Party organisation was not equally strong and deeply rooted everywhere in the country, it was spreading its wings over wider territories. Biman Basu concluded by noting the menace of imperialism threatening the sovereignty of the country, and forces of religious fundamentalism on the move to upset the national unity and integrity. These forces must be opposed, as Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad had pointed out many, many years back.

BENGAL EXPERIENCE

Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee said that the over the past three decades the Bengal Left Front government functioned in a pro-people, especially pro-poor manner. The CPI(M) is a Party of the kisans and mazdoors. The Left Front government makes progress through further strengthening of the mazdoor-kisan unity. The enemies have targeted this and they are organising violence. The chief minister recalled that the agricultural successes achieved under the Left Front government was no static affair and that efforts are on all the way to enhance and diversify agricultural production. However, agricultural success alone would not have the desired impact on development and for this, especially for employment generation, one needed industrialisation.

The Left Front government was fully aware of the pain that could be generated when the transition would be made from agriculture to industry and that is why progress in this direction was made in a deliberate and slow manner. Leftism meant the protection of the interests of the working masses. Leftism meant land reforms, employment generation through industrialisation, protection of the rights and interests of the workers, securing the interests of the unorganised workers, make the women self-dependent in economic terms through self-help groups.

Buddhadeb pointed to the experience of Latin America, China, Vietnam, and South Africa and said that in Bengal, there was no model to follow. The path being followed in Bengal under the Left Front government, said Buddhadeb, was an untroddden, alternative path of development in a country where capitalism was very much a forceful presence. Buddhadeb also paid effusive tributes to Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad and described him as a communist pioneer in the true sense of the term.----B Prasant

Peoples' Democracy, August 12, 2007

2006:118th BIRTH ANNIVERSARY

THE 118th birth anniversary of Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad, known to all as Kakababu (revered uncle), was observed in Bengal with a pledge that the Communist pioneer’s dream of establishing a classless society would be relentlessly worked towards, and fulfilled. The central programme as usual was held at the capacious Mahajati Sadan auditorium in downtown Kolkata during the evening of August 5, 2006. Central committee member of the CPI(M) Benoy Konar presided.

Following the garlanding by the senior leaders of the Bengal CPI(M) of Comrade Kakababu’s phtograph placed on the dais, veteran Communist leader Samar Mukherjee announced that the Muzaffar Ahmad Award for English this year would go to Professor Irfan Habib for his Indian Economy 1858-1914 in the People’s History of India series.

Jitendranath Roy received the award for his Bengali book Banglar Kol-karkhana O’ Karigori Bidyar Itihas (a history of factories and production units, and of technology in Bengal). Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee introduced both the books in brief.

JYOTI BASU

In his address to the packed gathering (even the area surrounding was filled with people eager to listen to the Bengal CPI(M) leadership in this day), Polit Bureau member of the CPI(M) Jyoti Basu, once again in a mood of deep reminiscences of his younger days as a student activist in England, recalled his association with Comrade Muzaffar.

‘The Communist pioneer,’ recalled Jyoti Basu, ‘was not then known personally to me and yet, the instructions he would send me and other Indian students of the Communist persuasion studying in England proved of great use.’ What were the instructions? Comrade Muzaffar would ask the Indian Communists not to come to the fore while mingling with the British Communists but to set up various democratic fora and act as backroom boys to the Communist activities there.

Jyoti Basu then narrated the period of time in India when as members of the then united CPI, he would work with Comrade Kakababu and said how the leader would emphasise Party education, a deep contact with the masses, and introduce the Communist party to the people. ‘I learnt very many a thing from him,’ was Jyoti Basu’s simple declaratory statement.

Analysing briefly, what he called the ‘immensity of the complex national situation now where we have to support the Congress-led UPA government to keep the communal BJP away from office,’ Jyoti Basu declared that the crucial document here was the Common Minimum Programme.

The CPI(M) and the Left must struggle against the UPA governance whenever and wherever the union government would choose to either ignore the CMP or go against its spirit, or do both. The anti-people stand must be vigorously protested, and all attempts at slackening of the political will of the government of India to maintain an independent foreign policy, leaning more and more towards the US must be strenuously opposed through struggles and movements all over the country.

Dwelling briefly on the successes of the pro-people Left Front government in Bengal, Jyoti Basu said that the best tribute the Party could pay to the memory of the departed Communist pioneer was through widening the mass base of the Party further across India, and strengthening the mass organisations, striving for the ultimate tasks ahead.

BIMAN BASU

Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad, said the state secretary of the Bengal unit of the CPI(M) Biman Basu, studied Marxism-Leninism and made the tenets a guideline and a lodestar. Comrade Muzaffar was deeply involved in the class and mass struggle, and was an uncompromising soldier of anti-imperialism and anti-colonialism. He taught the succeeding generations of Communists that Marxism-Leninism was to be studied and learnt through practice with widening contact among the toiling masses in particular.

Attacking the ruthless killings indulged in by the US and Israel in such places as Palestine and Lebanon, and expressing anger at the Qana massacre, Biman Basu said that unless the UPA government was willing to decrease its dependence on the US and firm away from a foreign policy that played the country into the US worldview, this large and populous nation’s economic and political sovereignty would be put on the line.

Struggles must be launched and continued with to force the UPA government to change its anti-people ways. Lack of protest will weaken the anti-imperialist struggle and signing of such instruments as the nuclear agreement with the US would serve to weaken India’s independent position in terms of free will. A non-aligned movement may not be a full viability now but that would hardly detract from the need for the UPA government to go in for an independent foreign policy.

Biman Basu concluded with call for augmentation of the Party, further enhancement of mass contact, deepening of Party education, forging an ever strong mazdoor-kisan unity, and strengthening of the mass organisations for the task ahead. The CPI(M) leader also narrated briefly the ten point programme that comprised the nationwide August campaign-movement of the CPI(M).

BENOY KONAR

In his address, senior CPI(M) leader Benoy Konar explained the task of Communists, sharply criticised the attack from the right and far Left that the CPI(M), the Left Front, and the Left Front government had had to face of late, and called for the relentless absorption of the precepts of Marxism-Leninism into the daily struggles of the Communists.

Benoy Konar also compared Comrade Muzaffar Ahmad’s image as a Communist to a mirror on which one’s own reflection as a Communist was to be seen and appropriate corrective measures initiated whenever found necessary.--- B. Prasant

2005:117th BIRTH ANNIVERSARY

SOCIALISM is the only means to fight the reactionary and disruptive forces operating in the State. The purity of Marxism-Leninism will have to be preserved in the face of heightened aggression from the ultra-leftists. CPI(M) to follow the path shown by Comrade Muzaffar Ahmed in order to usher in socialism in India. This was the clear cut message that emanated from the meeting organised to commemorate the 117th birth anniversary of Comrade Muzaffar Ahmed. The meeting was addressed by veteran communist leader and Polit Bureau member of CPI(M) Jyoti Basu and CPI(M) State Secretary and Polit Bureau member Anil Biswas and was presided over by Biman Basu, Left Front Chairman and Polit Bureau member.

On this occasion, author Debkumar Basu and Bangladeshi writer Baharanuddin Khan Jahangir were awarded Muzaffar Ahmed Memorial Award. They were introduced by Central Committee Member and Industry Minister Nirupam Sen by giving a brief account of their work. A document titled ‘Communist Movement in Bengal and its Relevance today’ was also released by Polit Bureau member and Chief Minister Buddadeb Bhattacharya.

Jyoti Basu speaking on the occasion said Comrade Muzaffar Ahmed was a tireless worker, who played an important role in building the communist movement in India. In the days of British occupation, he braved the British repression and selflessly worked to build up the party irrespective of tremendous hardship that he has to face. He said that he will always be an inspiration and guiding force for all of us in the communist party and the he asked the young party members who have joined recently to read his books in order to gain a better insight into the development of the communist movement in Bengal.

Anil Biswas said, the slogan, raised by Comrade Muzaffar Ahmed, 85 years ago are still relevant to build a communist movement in India. The communist movement and the CPI(M) in particular must play a leading role in the fight against imperialism and communalism. He said the defeat of the communal BJP and the installation of the UPA Government at the Centre was decisive first step in the fight against communalism. The Left with 61 MPs in the Lok Sabha is in a position to influence policy making of the Central Government. The more progressive role the Left plays at the Centre and influences the national discourse, the greater will be the internal contradictions in the reactionary forces like the RSS. This contradiction accentuated with the dislodging of the BJP led NDA Government at the Centre in the last elections. With the decisive rejection of the communal combination, the Sangh fraternity’s slogan of Hindu Rashtra appears inconsistent with Indian ethos which is and will remain secular.

Still there is no scope for complacency. As their internal contradictions intensify, it takes the form of disruptive activities and incitement of communal passions. The coming to power by engineering communal riot in Gujarat and the recent disruption of the Parliament procedures by boycotting the entire budget session bears testimony to this. He said we must be careful and vigilant to thwart all such attempts in undermining democracy and secularism.

Commenting on the UPA Government, he said that it is only due to the consistent opposition of the Left, the UPA Government has not been able to implement many of the anti-people policies which the NDA Government implemented. This is a positive development and the Left will always strongly oppose all such policies which go against the common people.

He lambasted the bourgeois media for concocting stories of differences in the CPI(M) as regards the recent defence agreements with the US. He said that there is a difference between the foreign policy followed by the UPA and the NDA government. The UPA foreign policy is still independent and did not go to the extent of sacrificing our sovereignty to be in the good books of the US. He said that Left has strong reservation as regards the strategic military tie-up, the defence framework, global fight against terrorism and spreading democracy in US terms, because this means subjugating our independent and sovereign foreign policy to serve the US interest and aiding them in their imperialist expansionism designs.

He welcomed the Governments initiative to improve relationship with China and Russia and said that India should work towards strategic relation with these two countries.

Anil Biswas gave a clarion call to integrate the fight against communalism and imperialism with the fight for emancipation of the impoverished masses. It is here that Comrade Muzaffar Ahmed’s works become relevant. We must draw inspiration from him to fight both communalism and imperialism and at the same time preserve the purity of Marxism-Leninism against the Maoist marauder’s, who in the name Marxism-Leninism has unleashed terror in rural Bengal by killing innocent people.----Vineet Menon